Roger Torrent, president of the Parliament of Catalonia, said this week in a radio interview that the Spanish judges "wear the VOX T-shirt under the toga" (in reference to the spanish far right party), because apparently the accusation's arguments (that the September and October acts of 2017 constitute a coup d'etat and that the response of the government was necessary) has been an offense for the nationalist 'story'.
Once such a graphic image has been digested as little credible (literally or figuratively) as that of the judges of the court wearing VOX T-shirts under their robes, it can be assumed that that same shirt is the one that must wear (always following the line of thought of the president of the Catalan parliament) the scrupulous judges of the European Court of Human Rights who reached exactly the same conclusions that Spanish judges have now reached, when from Strasbourg they responded to the allegations of "violation of the right of assembly" during the cancellation from the Spanish government of the plenary session of the Catalan Parliament destined to declare the independence, affirming that such intervention was "necessary in a democratic state", as they would have affirmed if Lieutenant Colonel Tejero, when arrested after the attempt of coup d'état on February 23, 1973, had alleged that the army had requisitioned him the weapon "attacking his private property."
That same apparent outrage was also shown this week by fled ex-president Carles Puigdemont when he was denied access to the European Parliament thus avoiding his umpteenth performance. His speech accusing the European institutions of having been "swallowed up by the spirit of Francoism" still makes the ears of community leaders whistle.
The same surprise and disappointment has been demonstrated by the delegate president Quim Torra in the face of the increasingly evident possibility of a sentence that recognizes the attempted coup d'état. In the case of the most inactive president (at least in terms of management) of the long history of Catalan politics, his response has been to plan a "forceful and massive" response that will undoubtedly be staged after the holidays in what promises to be a September and a particularly intense October.
The surprise reactions of the leaders of the "procés" seem out of tune before the development of a judgment issued live, followed by the entire European press, without possibility of manipulation, irreproachable in its forms and that has offered few surprises and most of them negative for the secessionist cause. However, these apparently exaggerated reactions seem aimed at achieving the goal of preparing the environment to "warm up" the return to work after the holidays and create a state of mind that can favor a pro-independence majority in more than likely anticipated autonomic elections (that would be the fifth in nine years, which means a call every two years, double that in any other community).
Because on this occasion the secessionism wants to turn that probable elections into a fourth referendum process (counting the illegal referendums of 9-N and 1-O and the "plebiscitary" elections of 27-S), for, according to instructions of the ANC, re-declare unilateral independence if the independence movement exceeds 50% of votes, something that has never happened in Catalonia in regional or general elections. And although the CEO himself (the Catalan CIS) clearly reflects that the rejection of independence exceeds the supports, they plan to co-operate in generating a situation that will once again unbalance the balance in their favor.
Few factors are going to modulate that foreseeable confrontation. An agreement between constitutional forces would be devastating for the independence movement, since it would avoid the habitual loss of votes for disintegration between forces, but although the new positions of actors such as Valls and Collboni facing the Barcelona city hall open an unexplored path of high political agreements, the certain thing is that the translation of that strategy to the autonomic scope seems very little probable. The republication of the agreement between independence, curiously, seems even more complicated, after the passage of the CUP to irrelevance, the exchange of forces between republicans and post-convergence and the debacle of the latter, whose leadership is debated between Puigdemont, Torra and the rest of PDECAT leaders. Another important factor is the foreseeable arrival of more sentences of the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg, which was flooded months ago of denunciations by nationalism and that could be dictating sentences that, if going in the line of the first, would sink the credibility and the international support that Catalan nationalism could still preserve.